Interview with MLPD Party Chairwoman Gabi Fechtner, May 18, 2026
“A pre-revolutionary process of fermentation is underway”
On May 18, the editorial staff of our newspaper Rote Fahne conducted an interview with MLPD Party Chairwoman Gabi Fechtner. She takes a broad view and, for the first time, delves more deeply into the thesis that a worldwide pre-revolutionary process of fermentation has begun.
Rote Fahne: In recent years, there has been no shortage of promises from those in power that they strive to improve the situation in the world. Why hasn’t this succeeded?
Gabi Fechtner: The world order existing up till now has come unhinged. Instead of solutions, the laws of capitalism are producing devastating rifts. The war in Ukraine gave rise to an open world crisis. It has both the potential to drag all of humanity into an abyss, as well as to bring about revolutionary changes. The destabilization of the imperialist world system has since reached a new level. Things have developed exactly as we predicted after the 2025 federal election: The ruling class, including the Merz-Söder-Klingbeil government, will fail due to the laws of capitalism. Almost all imperialist countries are now directly or indirectly involved in acts of war in various regions of the world. All are preparing for a Third World War. It is becoming increasingly clear that fascism and war are conjoined twins. In more and more imperialist countries, growing segments of international finance capital are favoring fascism as the suitable form of rule. Imperialist wars are increasingly being waged by means of fascist warfare.
Rote Fahne: A pretty grim global situation!
Gabi Fechtner: But there are unmistakably developments in the consciousness of the masses that are forward-looking. From January to March 2026, at least 358 million people worldwide participated in workers’ and popular struggles, 344 million of them in workers’ struggles and strikes. [1] Notable in Europe was the internationally coordinated political dockworkers’ strike on February 6, 2026, in 21 ports across six European countries. In 2024 participation in workers’ and popular struggles in Germany was by far the highest in postwar history and has remained at a very high level ever since. Over the past three years, 16.7 million people here have participated in workers’ and popular struggles[2]. It is striking that consciousness and struggles are developing across the entire spectrum: regarding working conditions, against layoffs and exploitation, wage issues, in the fight against fascism and war, increasingly again on environmental issues, and within the women’s and youth movements as well as other movements of active popular resistance, regarding democratic rights and freedoms and against the massive redistribution of the state budget at the expense of the broad masses and in favor of the monopolies.
Rote Fahne: Where is this development among the masses heading? Do you dare to make a prediction?
Gabi Fechtner: A worldwide pre-revolutionary process of fermentation has developed. To an extent that has not been seen in decades, the masses are turning away from the ruling capitalist and imperialist system and its traditional bourgeois parties and are searching for societal alternatives. This is not yet a revolutionary ferment, but the direction of development is clearly heading there. Old party loyalties are dissolving, and the fundamental lies of capitalism are losing their impact sustainably. Criticism of capitalism has taken hold in large sections of society.
At the same time, we are experiencing pronounced social polarization. This, too, is a hallmark of pre-revolutionary ferment. While fascists worldwide are able to win over a significant portion of the masses—and their numbers should not be underestimated—the main new development is that millions are organizing against fascism, war, environmental destruction and exploitation. Above all, anti-communism has significantly lost influence. This clears the way for the social alternative of genuine socialism.
In industrial enterprises and trade unions, a front is emerging against the fascists and the war economy. The masses are once again developing an anti-imperialist and anti-fascist consciousness. The re-emergence of a socialist youth movement points to the future. It is also a new phenomenon that the intermediate strata are gaining momentum; for example, artists who courageously speak out in support of the Palestinian liberation struggle or against right-wing cultural warriors like Minister for Culture Wolfram Weimer. Technical intelligentsia in the factories are increasingly participating in workers’ struggles. Arguments, demands and concepts of Marxism-Leninism—which mostly the MLPD and other revolutionaries shaped for decades—are being taken up more and more. Such as the class-based concept of “fascism” instead of its trivialization as “right-wing populism,” as well as the concepts of capitalism, “imperialism,” and now increasingly also “working class” and “socialism.” Not least, the long-standing hostility toward organizations is beginning to dissolve. In short: The masses can no longer and no longer want to live as they have until now. Their mode of thinking is beginning to change.
Those in rule, in turn, are having increasing problems pushing through their plans. The German federal government postponed its “Autumn of Reforms” first to winter, then to spring, and now to summer. They know fully well that with these plans, “the house will be burning,” as the IG Metall Trade Union Chairwoman Christiane Benner warned in the run-up to May Day and announced protests against them [3]. The fascist Georgia Meloni has failed with her judicial reform in Italy, Viktor Orbán was voted out in Hungary, and U.S. President Donald Trump is more unpopular in the U.S. than ever before. His transformation of the U.S. to fascism has run into a crisis, not least because of the mass protests and strikes. International institutions such as NATO are also in the midst of an open crisis. In summary: Those in power can no longer govern in the old way. These changes are remarkable and demand our full attention and self-transformation.
Rote Fahne: Isn’t “pre-revolutionary” an exaggeration?
Gabi Fechtner: The whole situation must be understood as a very complex transitional process. Often, consciousness is still developing beneath the surface, and sometimes it is surprising to see the specific events through which it breaks through. Various developments are already going beyond the characteristics typically associated with the first stage of the class struggle.
The book Dawn of the International Socialist Revolution already aptly noted: “Already at the end of the stage of the non-revolutionary situation, occasionally ‘sudden turns, unexpected situations, and violent outbursts’ occur. They are signs that the transition to the revolutionary ferment is objectively prepared.” [4]
Mass struggles and crises of confidence are already making life difficult for the imperialists. The transition to a revolutionary crisis, in turn, depends on the decisive majority of the working class sustainably coming to grips with the petty-bourgeois mode of thinking. Above all, the petty-bourgeois anti-communist, the petty-bourgeois fascist, and still the petty-bourgeois reformist mode of thinking are the main obstacles. Of course, there is no absolutely hopeless situation for the ruling class, but it is hard to imagine how they could sustainably resolve this deep crisis again.
In such a period of transformation, the actors on both sides mobilize their forces. To a new degree, sections of the monopolies and the media are pushing the AfD as an alternative and supposedly correct address for discontent. When old ideas fade away in the minds of the masses, no vacuum is created. Openness and the search for fundamental solutions are initially accompanied by the influence of all possible variations of the petty-bourgeois mode of thinking. In some cases there is even outright confusion, and progressive ideas often coexist with reactionary ones in the same mind. But this socially generated confusion is beginning to dissolve noticeably. To systematically promote this, the doctrine of the mode of thinking as a science is gaining considerable significance.
Rote Fahne: How can you take advantage of such a situation?
Gabi Fechtner: The MLPD is in a strong position and determined to expand the role it has fought to secure within society as a whole. Our comrades are increasingly assuming a recognized leadership role in workplaces, trade unions, the anti-fascist movement, the peace struggle, and other societal spheres such as the solidarity movement with Palestine. But it must also be clearly stated that we are not yet fully prepared for this new situation. The MLPD has yet to win mass influence throughout all of society. This requires a higher level of organization, not only within the Marxist-Leninist Party, but also among the non-party-affiliated, self-run organizations of the masses. In particular, we must recruit even more members from the international industrial proletariat, among women, and above all among the youth. What is decisive now is whether Marxist-Leninists worldwide succeed in advancing the raising of consciousness and the organization and fighting capacity of the working class and the masses. A consequence of the worship of spontaneity contributes to the fact that Marxist-Leninist parties around the world are generally not yet strong enough to influence developments in a sustainable way. Even among our ranks, there is often still a lot of running around, with plans that are too tight and short-sighted. Ultimately, this leaves too little capacity to concentrate work on raising people’s consciousness and organizing them. We must realize: When spontaneity grows in the struggles, there is a danger that the worship of spontaneity will grow as well! Self-control must be consciously directed toward this. Above all, this is a demand on the quality of our work. A rough overview showed that there are about 200 reading circles on Marx or Lenin in Germany. But in our work, the study groups have actually declined in number. At the same time, more and more young people are turning to us, asking for introductory courses on Marxism-Leninism or discussions on socialism. We must meet this need.
Rote Fahne: Just a few years ago, everyone was still talking about globalization; now all you hear is “my country first.” What’s going on?
Gabi Fechtner: When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1990, the imperialist countries divided the world market among themselves and created a relatively unified world market; the ruling classes dreamed of the “end of history.” But with the outbreak of the world economic and financial crisis in 2008, the reorganization of international production plunged into an open crisis. This crisis is deepening and intensifying at an accelerated pace. The inter-imperialist battle of annihilation for raw materials, spheres of influence, and the division of spheres of control is intensifying. This is ultimately the source of the transition to fascism, war, social hardship, and environmental destruction. On the one hand, the monopolies need the open world market and a leading position to generate their maximum profits. On the other hand, the world market is becoming increasingly constricted, and the nation-states of the ever-growing number of imperialist powers are increasingly turning to protectionism to enforce the interests of their monopolies. This contradiction is insoluble for the ruling class and drives society toward the next step forward in society: the united socialist states of the world.
The world economic and financial crisis that erupted in 2018 ended in 2025 as a cyclical crisis of overproduction. However, it has brought about profound changes in the world. China continues to develop into an economic, political, and military superpower.
In Germany, industrial orders rose noticeably again by the end of 2025, but domestic industrial production remains well below pre-crisis levels. To understand this, you must realize that the economic power of the international supermonopolies does not fully flow into the industrial production of “their own” country. An increasing portion of their sales and production takes place abroad.
Rote Fahne: But how can the world economic and financial crisis be over when chaos reigns on all fronts of the economic development?
Gabi Fechtner: The chaos stems from the fact that, in the meantime, there are profound, in some cases chronic disruptions in the process of capital reproduction. This goes much deeper than a “normal” crisis of overproduction. The main problem is that capital is chronically over-accumulated, meaning it can no longer be invested to yield maximum profits. The vast amounts of surplus capital are increasingly flowing into speculation and military rearmament. Among the disruptions are also the drastic government subsidy programs, which are becoming increasingly important in the international competitive struggle, but are massively driving up government debts. This is paving the way for even greater crises. Sanctions and tariffs are spreading like wildfire as weapons in the international battle of annihilation. The economy is becoming increasingly vulnerable to crises due to environmental disasters, strikes, restricted trade routes, wars, uprisings, and the like. The structural crisis in connection to digitalization is escalating rapidly with the massive development of AI. With the emergence of new-imperialist competitors, the monopoly price policies of the old imperialists have fallen into crisis, which we see particularly in the price war on the auto market.
Rote Fahne: Apparently, even Friedrich Merz, the monopolies’ preferred chancellor, cannot come to grips with these developments.
Gabi Fechtner: The monopolies are applying pressure. BDI President Peter Leibinger speaks of a “lack of performance” [5] by the government. He threatens the government: it must deliver “by summer” [6]. Chancellor Merz finds himself in a dilemma: on the one hand, he must fulfill his role as a service provider for the monopolies; on the other hand, he knows fully well that the masses will not go along with this course. Already, 86 percent of those asked are dissatisfied with the government’s work [7]—which matches the approval ratings of the former coalition government shortly before its end. This points to an ongoing crisis of confidence in the government that began under former Chancellor Angela Merkel and continues to this day, or has even intensified. It is not certain whether the government will survive past 2026. There are already serious considerations within monopoly circles regarding the government’s demise and the possibility of bringing the AfD into the government. In a survey by the newspaper FAZ, 51 percent of the “economic elite” surveyed anonymously stated that they were in favor of talks with the AfD. But of course they also know that a storm of anti-fascist protests would then sweep through the country. Great vigilance against the acute fascist danger is necessary, especially in view of the upcoming state elections, such as in Saxony-Anhalt.
Rote Fahne: There seems to be a lot of “pressure to cut costs.” Everywhere you hear that there is no money.
Gabi Fechtner: That is a brazen propaganda lie spread by the monopolies. In reality, the gap between what monopolies and state take into their pockets and what the broad masses receive is widening ever further. In 2025, 320 billion euros[8] flowed into the pockets of Germany’s largest corporations and banks as direct state subsidies. While gross value added in Germany rose by 74.6 percent from 2008 to 2025, spending on welfare payments and similar SGB II benefits grew by a mere 42 percent[9]. We must expose and attack capitalism as a system of exploitation! Not only because of its worst excesses—it is fundamentally unjust! Poverty and misery, unemployment and underemployment are growing among the masses worldwide, even in the richest imperialist countries. At the same time, corporations are swimming in money and no longer know what to do with it. The task of the state in state-monopoly capitalism is to organize this redistribution. That is why it is also an illusion doomed to disappointment that the state or any government would or could change this under these societal conditions. People must recognize the laws of capitalism and thus its incompetence. What would be possible if in the united socialist states of the world these riches were finally used for the benefit of humanity in harmony with nature?
Rote Fahne: Another poll just came out on AfD support among workers. What do you think about that?
Gabi Fechtner: With its cleverly packaged modern fascism, the AfD has indeed managed to entrench the petty-bourgeois anti-communist and petty-bourgeois fascist mode of thinking among a part of the working class. However, I am very cautious about bourgeois polls. For one thing, you don’t even know who is regarded as a worker in these surveys. No distinction is made between employees in the trades and small businesses or those in large, unionized industrial firms. In the works council elections, the AfD suffered a defeat by any measure of its goal to outdo IG Metall. In many media outlets, their front organization “Zentrum” had already been touted as a new workers’ organization. But they increased their seats from 13 to a mere 22 nationwide. A humiliating defeat. In factories and unions, a growing anti-fascist united front formed against this fascist influence. The MLPD contributed significantly to this.
At the same time, I am pleased that class-struggle-oriented colleagues and those associated with the MLPD have won significantly more seats, often against fierce anti-communist headwinds. In industrial factories, the MLPD’s factory groups can exert a very different kind of personal influence through their grassroots work, and in the face of the daily class struggle on the shop floor, the manipulation of public opinion in society as a whole has less effect.
The general assault by the monopolies and their executive government upon the workers has already begun. Exploitation by monopolies and the state is partly growing to the point of being unbearable. Since January 1, 2025, the elimination of at least 200,000 industrial jobs has been announced, and over 120,000 workers in industrial enterprises lost their jobs in 2025. Entire plants are being put up for disposal and converted on a large scale to a war economy. Things are about to start moving here, and especially at the union grassroots level, the call “we must fight hard” is growing louder. We will advance this with all our strength! The task is to strengthen consciousness and all initiatives for a new round of union and independent strikes.
Rote Fahne: Hasn’t the second most important line of struggle against fascism and war become a rival to the work in large companies and unions?
Gabi Fechtner: On the contrary! It is precisely the linking of economic issues with the struggle against fascism and war that has led to the greatest progress. Some of these companies are run by fascists themselves—like Tesla under Elon Musk—or employ proto-fascist management methods. The struggle for higher wages and better working conditions is inextricably linked to the struggle to preserve and expand democratic rights and freedoms, and against fascism and war. It is important that we never separate economic and political issues. The ultra-left detachment from economic and social concerns is just as wrong as economistic, short-sighted politics.
Rote Fahne: The global environmental catastrophe no longer seems to be such an earth-shattering problem, if one follows the reporting in the bourgeois media?
Gabi Fechtner: Media coverage of environmental and climate issues has declined significantly worldwide, by 38 percent compared to the peak in 2021[10]. The environmental consciousness of the masses has been temporarily pushed back in recent years under a barrage of reactionary to fascist campaigns. But it has also been overshadowed by pressing concerns about war, fascism, and social issues. This stands in strong contrast to the dramatic nature of the developments. Fascism and war, in particular, have led to the global environmental catastrophe no longer being in its early stages, but rather progressing dramatically.
Trump has already repealed 252 environmental and climate protection regulations. In this context, environmental consciousness is beginning to resurface with renewed intensity. For instance, on April 18, 2026, over 80,000 people took to the streets in Germany to protest against the attacks on renewable energy and against the Minister of Economy Katherina Reiche. It is noteworthy that, as the petty-bourgeois environmental movement grapples with the crisis, a core of the militant environmental movement is emerging that demands real societal change as the solution to the environmental problem. In this spirit, we support the non-party-affiliated International Environmental Council meeting from October 23 to 25, 2026, in Stuttgart. We must also once again make a stronger case with our book “The Global Environmental Catastrophe Has Begun!”, which accurately predicts developments, outlines an accurate program of struggle, and has demonstrated that the socialist perspective is the only chance to halt the progression of the global environmental catastrophe as much as possible.
Rote Fahne: Apparently, the women’s protests were the largest in years?
Gabi Fechtner: Around March 8 alone, at least 220,000 people took to the streets: 150,000 on March 8—about 50 percent more than the previous year—and 70,000 shortly afterwards against sexist digital harassment. With a few reactionary exceptions, the anti-communist exclusion of revolutionary women has largely been overcome. The discussion about the causes of the double exploitation and oppression of the vast majority of women under capitalism is gaining momentum. Women are also playing a driving role in the working-class movement, particularly within Ver.di. Women’s consciousness has awakened on a broad front.
Rote Fahne: Is the MLPD well-positioned for this?
Gabi Fechtner: On the one hand, we are excellently positioned: We have an excellent line on women’s policy, particularly with the book “New Perspectives for the Liberation of Women,” and many experienced and recognized representatives in the women’s movement. The MLPD and non-party-affiliated women’s organizations were undoubtedly the driving force behind the emergence of a militant women’s movement following the decline of the petty-bourgeois women’s movement in the 1990s, and behind bringing March 8 back to the streets. Our promotion of women is admired worldwide within the revolutionary movement.
At the same time, the leadership of Marxist-Leninist work among women has missed important developments, partly adapting to petty-bourgeois feminist thinking and becoming detached from the burning everyday issues facing the masses of women, and young women in particular. The clearest expression of this is the displacement of International Women’s Day by all sorts of other days, such as “Equal Pay Day” or the Day Against Violence Against Women. This is intended to whitewash the social character of the problem. We are fighting for a turnaround. The militant women’s movement has strategic significance in a pre-revolutionary fermentation process; after all, it is the most important link between the working-class movement, active popular resistance, and the rebellion of the youth. We are also looking forward to the non-party-affiliated Women’s Political Counsel on November 7–8.
Rote Fahne: “Youth – Future – Socialism” is becoming a standard slogan at demonstrations. Haven’t the MLPD and REBELL been active in this spirit for decades?
Gabi Fechtner: What’s new is that a socialist youth movement comprising thousands of young people is developing. We haven’t seen that in decades. Socialism is gaining new prestige among the rebellious youth. Today, you’re almost out if you don’t stand up for socialism there! Of course, people have a different understanding about what socialism is. The spectrum ranges from social-democratic and left-reformist to ultra-left/left-opportunist and revisionist views. Certainly, the youth organization Rebell is a trendsetter and the core of the socialist youth movement. Because it has stood for this for decades, is a genuine youth mass league with many working-class youth, does not make its advocacy of socialism dependent on a modern trend, and, in close alliance with the MLPD, holds well-founded positions on socialism. It is therefore not surprising that interest in the MLPD and Rebell is growing among young people. We are meeting with respectful openness, and more left-wing youth show interest in our Marxist-Leninist positions. Following the massive influx of young people into the Left Party a year ago, a disillusionment with the Left Party’s illusions in bourgeois parliamentarism is beginning.
Nevertheless, we still have a great deal of work to do in organizing the youth, and we cannot by any means be satisfied with that so far. A strong socialist youth movement will by no means emerge solely from Rebell. In fact, some petty-bourgeois youth organizations regard themselves as socialist and therefore potentially belong to the socialist youth movement. We must intensify our alliance work in this regard. Currently, the focus is on the International Whitsun Youth Meeting as a forum for the socialist youth movement. However, the socialist youth movement must not isolate itself from the masses of youth—and especially from working-class youth—and turn exclusively to left-wing organizations. We aim at this in our persuasion work and this is increasingly being taken up. In such a situation, the worship of spontaneity is particularly harmful. What is needed now is intensive persuasion and organizational work, the promotion of youth rebellion in unity among young and old, the active struggle over the mode of thinking within the working class and among the broad masses, and the development of the school for life of the proletarian mode of thinking.
Our youth work is most successful where it is understood and practiced as a process of self-transformation for both the party and the youth. In this regard, the children’s organization Red Foxes has special significance. It is wrongly neglected and no longer even exists in some regional party associations. Rarely has there been such a politicization of children, who follow and experience the wars in Gaza and Syria, as well as issues like child poverty and flight with great concern. The children of this world need a future and more than deserve their own children’s organization!
Rote Fahne: How is the struggle over social issues developing?
Gabi Fechtner: The monopolies are demanding a fierce program of attacks on the social conditions of the masses. This affects the entire spectrum—from wages, working hours, and pensions to healthcare, social gains, and social benefits to children’s and youth services—everywhere, deep cuts are being made or even more is being pressed out of the masses. The monopolies’ price gouging is becoming an ever-greater problem for people. Officially, 21.2 percent of people in this wealthy Germany are now threatened with poverty. Especially in the major cities, the issue of rent is becoming a dramatic problem. Here, the potential for larger protests is growing, but so is the desire for organized cooperation. There are some good initiatives within the party regarding tenant advocacy, but we must attach significantly more importance to the housing issue. We must never underestimate everyday social issues and focus solely on “big politics.”
Rote Fahne: In theoretical work, the focus is currently on the doctrine of the mode of thinking. Why is this topic so important right now?
Gabi Fechtner: Social confusion demands to be untangled! The question of the mode of thinking and how we will wage the struggle over it on a mass scale is becoming increasingly decisive. The system of the petty-bourgeois mode of thinking operates quite skillfully. Even the petty-bourgeois-fascist mode of thinking takes up elements of the proletarian mode of thinking, such as the constant emphasis on social issues or the rejection of the war in Ukraine. Only in this way can it influence the thinking, feeling and actions of the masses and the working class. You cannot come to grips with this mode of thinking by merely emphasizing what the AfD directly stands for in terms of fascism. In contrast, the proletarian mode of thinking should not attempt to incorporate elements of the petty-bourgeois mode of thinking. For example, some organizations with progressive aspirations make concessions to the petty-bourgeois anti-communist mode of thinking: You shouldn’t be as radical as the MLPD, otherwise you could scare off potential allies from the bourgeois camp, etc. You should not adapt to the petty-bourgeois mode of thinking, but must come to grips with its influence.
Many people are interested in the question of the changeability of the mode of thinking, which the MLPD fundamentally assumes: Can people really change? How can you convince AfD voters? How could socialism have been betrayed, and how can this be prevented in the future? These are all important social questions to which the doctrine of the mode of thinking provides an answer. The editorial team of REVOLUTIONÄRER WEG is now nearly finished drafting REVOLUTIONÄRER WEG 40 “The Doctrine of the Mode of Thinking”. There, the doctrine of the mode of thinking is presented comprehensively for the first time. Our pioneer thinker Willi Dickhut had already identified the question of the mode of thinking as a key issue for party building, class struggle and socialist construction. With REVOLUTIONÄRER WEG 26, “The Struggle Over the Mode of Thinking in the Working-Class Movement” by Stefan Engel, important foundations of the doctrine of the mode of thinking were laid. With this new book, we are taking this to a new level. We draw on a 30-year wealth of theoretical and practical experience with the doctrine of the mode of thinking. At the same time, REVOLUTIONÄRER WEG 40 is also a quintessence of the books REVOLUTIONÄRER WEG 36–39 on the crisis of bourgeois ideology and on the doctrine of the mode of thinking. This will challenge the party to undergo a major self-transformation. The focus is on the power to persuade and the correct handling of contradictions.
In the book we also evaluate important experiences in socialist construction in the Soviet Union during the Stalin era, the GDR, or China in light of the doctrine of the mode of thinking. Problems and experiences in the struggle over the mode of thinking within our party are also discussed relatively openly. For the first time, in drawing conclusions from all the achievements, as well as from the problems that have arisen, we have comprehensively elaborated on what we mean by socialism based on the proletarian mode of thinking. This, of course, aligns perfectly with the massive resurgence of interest in socialism. So there is much to look forward to!
We will take at least two years during which the entire party will gain a deeper understanding of the doctrine of the mode of thinking and carry out a profound process of self-transformation on this basis. We will do everything to ensure that the pre-revolutionary process of fermentation transforms into revolutionary ferment.
Building on the foundation of our party of a new type, we will creatively examine whether our approach and the components of our work already meet the new standards, what needs to be improved, or which adjustments need to be made. We will also involve our broader community in this process and invite, for example, all readers of the Rote Fahne to participate through criticism and self-criticism.
Rote Fahne: Given such demands, there must be a lot going on in the MLPD?
Gabi Fechtner: It’s never boring here! We have a lively discussion within our party and a great deal of initiative in our grassroots work. But unlike bourgeois and petty-bourgeois parties, there is no confusion, squabbling, or even disruptions and crises among us. The MLPD has a high level of unity and is fighting as one to raise its work to a new level.
We are facing times that none of us have ever experienced before. We must prepare ourselves and the masses for harder class struggles, ideological battles, but also attacks on the MLPD. With fascism and war, repression will inevitably increase. All of this is part of the class struggle maturing. The current developments are bringing us closer to our strategic goals and demand our utmost attention, but also fortitude. The cards are being reshuffled—now it is crucial that we play them to the best of our ability!
Rote Fahne: Thank you very much for the interview!
Sources & Links
[1] A general strike in India with 300 million participants is factored into the 2026 figures. Even without the major Indian general strikes, there were a remarkable 50.94 million participants in workers’ and popular struggles in 2025, and already 28 million in just three months of 2026.
[2] GSA statistics; January 2023 to March 2026
[3] https://www.sueddeutsche.de/wirtschaft/ig-metall-benner-rente-loehne-sozialreformen-deutschland-merz-afd-inflation-trump-entlastungspraemie-arbeitnehmerpraemie-tankrabatt-li.3471529?reduced=true
[4] Stefan Engel, “Dawn of the International Socialist Revolution,” p. 414
[5] BDI statement dated April 30, 2026
[6] https://de.linkedin.com/posts/peter-leibinger_reformen-bundesregierung-activity-7451194918334517248-k4pE
[7] Forsa, May 2026
[8] https://www.zdfheute.de/politik/deutschland/staat-subventionen-bericht-energie-kritik-100.html
[9] Destatis; Federal Employment Agency
[10] Media and Climate Change Observatory, www.colorado.edu
Even the North Rhine-Westphalia Office for the Protection of the Constitution admits that “social developments and crises … continue to offer, and in some cases even more so than before, opportunities for mobilization” for “left-wing extremists”[11]. The Springer newspaper “WELT” notes with alarm: “Germany 2026 – Socialism is Booming” [12].
[11] “Situation Report on Left-Wing Extremism,” February 23, 2026
[12] www.welt.de February 26, 2026